Posts Tagged ‘Politics

What the Wall Street Journal should have said, “Science gets an A+”

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Tuesday, August 23rd, 2011

The scientific and medical professionals, in many ways, have always been part of “the elite.” As a result, they can seem, at times, mysterious, inscrutable, and other. For example, how many magazine articles, websites, and advertisements have you seen that contain the phrase, “what your doctor won’t tell you”?  This is baseless paranoia since doctors are not only obligated to keep you well informed, but information is a key aspect of the healing process.  This reassurance hardly matters though if the medical elite wish to keep you uninformed for their own inscrutable and nefarious reasons. In a striking vignette, a few years back, “Airborne” became an extremely popular herbal supplement that was purported to prevent and cure the cold and flu.  It’s selling point? It was “discovered” by a mere school teacher.  The implicit message is a simple woman has overcome the resistance of the medical establishment to provide you with a simple and much needed cure.  Airborne was successfully sued by the Federal Trade Commission for fraud. Such frauds are effective by playing into a deep-seated distrust of elite professionals entrusted with our health.  In the past, doctors and scientists have been equated with witch-doctors and hucksters. Today, such prejudice is still exceedingly vibrant.

But we’re not talking about some hokey cure-all. Snake oil salesmen have been around as long as…. well, snake oil. We’re talking about a present and alarming trend of people using accusations of elitism to condemn or ridicule scientists and the scientific community. For instance, on August 15, GOP candidate Rick Perry said, “I think there are a substantial number of scientists who have manipulated data so that they will have dollars rolling into their projects.”  In essence: scientists are manufacturing a problem to steal from the public.  And quite a conspiracy it is: 95% of climatologists have concluded that climate change is the result of man-made pollution. Rick Perry wants to protect you from these scientists and the solution is as simple as turning in your ballot next November. Of course, the evil scientists may not be malicious fraudsters; it could be mere incompetence.  Such is the sentiment of an article from August 10th in the Wall Street Journal.

On the 10th, the front page of the WSJ displayed this headline, “Mistakes in Scientific Studies Surge”. According to the Journal, there has been a 15-fold increase in the number of papers retracted since in the last 10 years.  In 2001 there were 22 retractions versus 339 retractions in 2010. The reasons cited to explain this alarming trend were: the need for scientists to produce flashy results, unwillingness to duplicate work, poor oversight on the part of the individual journals, and fraud. The WSJ cites as its source for these broad ranging implications, a single database that controls access to 11,000 journals.  Assuming the single database represents an accurate representation of the entire spectrum of scientific research; consider the sheer mass of data contained in 11,000 journals, each pumping out hundreds of articles a year.  If we assume a ridiculously low figure of 10 articles per journal every year, a simple calculation gets us an accuracy rating of 99.7%.  How puerile are your standards of excellence if 99.7% isn’t good enough? It is easy to show large changes in exceedingly rare phenomena like scientific incompetence or malfeasance, but this hardly realistic evidence of a disturbing trend. Yes the rate of paper retractions increased 15-fold, but that figure minimizes the dramatic increase in the number of papers and publications, and ignores completely the burgeoning complexity of the tasks scientists have undertaken.

The story of the WSJ article is simple and threatening: the common man is being betrayed by scientists. By proxy, we are betrayed by science and there is little if anything you can do about it. This is an insane argument since the numbers do not even remotely reflect that possibility.

Are there renegades and frauds in the scientific community?  Absolutely.  For example, the infamous Wakefield study published in the prestigious medical journal “Lancet” showed a link between vaccination and autism.  That study was recently shown to be overtly fraudulent.  As the result of that one small study, thousands of parents disregarded the advice of their doctors and flew in the face of conventional medical and scientific wisdom by refusing to get their kids vaccinated.  The Wakefield study is a horrendous scandal that cost a lot of kids their lives from easily preventable illnesses that had all but been eradicated from this country.   However tempting it might be, the occasional revelation of fraud and abuse is not an indictment of the scientific community and the community does not deserve the kind of anti-elitism endemic to our culture today.

It’s an understandable human need to seek simple answers, but all too often the media takes a single argument from the scientific discussion and dispenses it as an absolute truth.  It is nothing short of a cynical ploy to stoke fears and amass attention.  Unfortunately, we live in a world that is becoming progressively hostile to absolute truths and the best that science ever offers is increasingly well defined probabilities.  It can be an uncomfortable place to be.   While it is always difficult and frequently necessary to examine our preconceived notions of whatever passes for truth these days, the struggle is always worth it.  It’s time to have a reasonable conversation about the world around us without having to resort to conniptions and hysteria.  As a direct result from this kind of demagoguery, science is under a direct and existential threat from politicians and media personalities who delight and quibble over mistakes that account for far less than .3% the entire field of active research.

There are plenty of ways to be part of the solution.  Voting for politicians who do not overtly disdain the opinion of professionals is probably one of the most effective strategies available.  Speak up, write emails, go to the town hall meetings and make sure the candidates represent your views.  Social-network the hell out of the internet.  Certain television channels and programs are writhe with error and bias, turn them off and write the show demanding higher standards of excellence.  We live in the information age where knowledge is literally power.  This is not some meaningless aphorism, but an undeniable truth.  Our weapons are the pen and keyboard.  Your actions, or inaction, do matter and they do make a difference.   This may be more than any one person can do. Start small with something simple like writing to the Wall Street Journal or your local congressmen and senators to ask them to support scientists on the numerous scientific issues we that we face today. In whatever way you choose, it is vitally important to get involved.


A Glossary of Political #hashtags (and a discription of what that means)

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Tuesday, August 23rd, 2011

I started using twitter about a week before I was hired for a job where I’d be in charge of social media. Coincidentally, I made my profile about an hour after the interview was scheduled. I wasn’t too worried, after all I’d had a facebook since the days where .edu mattered, and a MySpace before that. What was it that twitter had to offer that these other sites did not provide?

Well, let me name a few:

  • a live news feed with actual news and up-to-the second reports of things (that you presumably care about) that are happening now;
  • a 160 character limit that stops those annoying people who don’t understand how to use social media from monologueing;
  • a system of tagging people that let’s you tag ANYONE in a post;
  • very limited privacy settings so you can actually see what people have to say (twitter is all about stalking); and
  • and a medium age group between 30 and 40, because twitter really appeals to businesses, organizations, and non profits who need a channel to get their news and information out into the world.
  • This was all easy to pick up on after I managed to follow about five friends and twenty of my favorite nonprofits, comedians, brands, and then another twenty news-outlets.

    The only thing that left me confuddled was their method of searching. You can search for anything. Say you search for “Lynda Foster,” you will get results from anyone who wrote that in any post, and on the side bar people with the name, or tag name, Lynda Foster (me!). But if you searched for #lyndafoster, you would only see comments that specifically used the exact phrase #lyndafoster. Indeed, useing the hash tag (hash tag = #) makes those words pop out in searches, and allows you to create something that is “trending.”

    When you make a hash tag on twitter, it turns blue and people can click on it to be taken to a page that shows all the latest posts with that hash tag. If your post is on that thread then people with similar interests browsing the thread will have a chance to see it (possibly giving you publicity or increasing your followers).

    Hashtags are used to describe a theme in a very short way (remember, 160 characters to work with). Some of them start up and last a few weeks, some of them are used by one person once and are never picked up by others, and some of them become universally understood and, by declaration of mass use, official.

    I feel compelled to point out the risks using hashtags. When something is “trending” it is used by so many people it is amongst the most popular topics in the world, and gets listed on the twitter main page. Often this is for a reason. When #notguilty was trending, the business that tweeted: “Who’s #notguilty about eating all the tasty treats they want?!” took a lot of PR heat. The hashtag #notguilty was trending because of that whole Casey Anthony “not guilty” verdict controversy, and it was considered offensive that a company would try to profit off of it.

    So, in order to help your understanding of political hash tags, and to help any of your political tweets make it onto threads, below are some a list of hash tags, mostly “official,” used within Washington state and national politics. If I’m missing some (especially funny topics that I did not research in detail) post them in the comment section! I may add it to the list.

    General WA state political terms:
    #WAleg: Washington Legislature (heavily used when session is in)
    #WAGov: Washington Government (often interchangeable with WAleg)
    #WABudget: Washington Budget (I don’t see this that often, but during budget negotiations it’s a topic to follow)
    #WAdem: Washington democrats
    #wcot: Washington conservatives
    #WAgop: Washington Republicans, or “Grand Old Party”

    National Political Hash tags:
    #tcot: Generally, top conservatives on twitter. But there are a few “fun” definitions if you follow the link.
    #GOP: Republican, or “Grand Old” party
    #HCR: Health Care Reform
    #P2: (As defined on tagdef.com) A resource for progressives using social media who prioritize diversity and empowerment, the “progressive batchannel”, and an umbrella tag for information for progressives on Twitter. There is now simple directory of progressives associated with the #p2 tag.

    This last election:
    #waelex – Washington election (used during this last primary)
    #99tunnel – Things related to the referendum in Seattle on whether or not to dig the tunnel in Seattle.
    #SaveMetro – The Seattle metro campaign (it’ll do better then Prop 1 in Pierce County did)
    #Tacoma school board – The only word to get linked is “Tacoma” but it’s what Dextor Gordon’s campaign was using.
    #Tacoma city council – Sure, it was only used once according to my search results, but you get the picture.

    Serious topical hash tags:
    #FAA: (national) Related to the FFA budget issue that was going on a few weeks back.
    #StopGregoire: References that the Freedom Foundation is suing Washington Governor Christine Gregoire for her (allegedly) illegal use of “executive privilege” to hide public information from Washington citizens.
    #Compromise: (national) Encouraged by President Obama during the debt ceiling debate to urge republican law makers to compromise.
    #supercommittee: (national, and hey, Patty Murray!) The committee of 12 congressmen and senators who will have to negotiate a plan to reduce the deficit, as decided in the debt limit compromise.
    #Amesdebate – (national) Referencing the recent Ames debate in Iowa.
    #debtceiling – (national) You have probably heard of this.

    Less serious topical hash tags (I didn’t look too hard for these, there are definitely many more):
    #AccordingtoPalin: Created by the Daily Show after Sarah Palin’s Paul Revere gaff.
    #ChangeUCanStepN: As in: “Makes sense that Obama’s black BS bus looks like a hearse. It carries the death of America’s hopes, dreams, & future. #tcot #ChangeUCanStepN”

    Painfully obvious things I won’t explain (but are still used so often they deserve a mention):
    #teaparty
    #jobs
    #economy
    #education
    #debt


    Scott Heinze, Policy Wonk and Servant Leader

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    Monday, August 15th, 2011

    Scott Heinze with his Children

    Scott Heinze with his Children

    When Scott Heinze says, “It’s not differences that drive us apart, it’s really commonality and appreciation of differences that bring us together,” there is a passion to his words that forbid them from being cheesy.

    As a child he played a lot of sports: basketball, baseball, football. When he talks about his leadership style now he compares it to how sports teams work together. “Having been on a lot of sports teams, that idea of organizationally building teams, community building teams, you don’t want everyone who has the same skill set or thinks the same way. That’s not the most effective team. If you can bring together people who have different thoughts and experiences you’re going to be really well rounded.”

    Now Heinze strives to be a team builder in his role as a servant leader – something he is focusing on both in his graduate studies and in life – and explained to me that, “as a servant leader I was being involved in my community, trying to encourage others to have a vested interest In their community.” He sets an example for his children by always thinking about “How do you give back, how do you get involved, how do you make a difference?”

    I had never heard of Gonzaga’s leadership program, or it’s jargony terms like “operators,” “conceptualizers,” or “servant leadership” before I met with Scott Heinze. To be completely unfair, I had never bothered putting much stalk in leadership programs, and did not expect to care about any of these terms when Heinze first described them to me.

    Then again, I had met Heinze on his campaign trail before, and there was plenty to this interview that was not what I expected.

    Heinze showed up to the meeting wearing running shorts, a hoodie and a baseball cap, and when he sat down he relaxed back into his seat, completely casual. I had only seen him before at speaking engagements—strictly business casual apparel with that stuffy networking vibe. This was different. The Scott Heinze before me was a guy taking time out of his (busy) Saturday schedule to have a chat about how he lives his life.

    The fact is, Heinze lives his life like a policy wonk. This translates to a person who simply knows a lot of things and feels compelled to give incredibly thorough, well thought out, and oftentimes long answers. So, during particularly long answers to questions his voice can create that soft lull we’re all familiar with from lectures of history or science.

    But don’t be fooled into boredom or nod off while he speaks! There is more behind this man than policy! I mean, sometimes you have to wade through several levels of policy, but eventually you break through.

    For example, in his initial efforts to explain himself, his doctoral program’s jargon comes in. Heinze explained that there are operators and conceptualizers, he being the latter. “Conceptualizers often times will get in as a change agent and say and do things that feel very radical to the establishment.” I actually find this to be interesting stuff, but this excerpt is also a bit text booky:

    “In a typical organizational chart you would have this person at the top, this very hierarchical, linear system, and the person at the top has all of the authority to make all of the decisions, and they push that down. Servant leadership really flattens the organization chart. It invites everyone to be in part of the decision making process and they feel empowered with what’s going on.”

    Again, this is interesting to me, after all, leaders aren’t well-known for giving their power away; much less give it away to achieve results. However, when Heinze speaks he often starts by explaining definitions and situations (this is a very policy thing to do), and I feel a little detached by the whole thing. It is only after he has explained all the details that he tells you a story that shows you what they mean. For example:

    During his time as an Assistant Director of Outreach at Kent Youth and Family Services, where the residents were primarily immigrant and political refugees, Heinze was the daily operations guy who oversaw a diverse group of staff members. His goal was to empower his staff, and he told them, “you know your residents and participants the best, because you see them on a daily basis.” He gave his staff the opportunity to have impact on services and programs. “And it really, in the staff, inspired them to come up with new and innovative ways to deliver programs, and so it became meaningful to them. If they had to work longer hours to do that they were included to because they’d become so invested in it.”

    “That’s how you get meaningful results – you include all of the stake holders and you give them authentic voice and you listen to what they have to say and you assign them responsibility.” (I make this bold because of the great amounts of conviction this line was spoken with, and also because I believe this one sentence was more powerful then his entire, original definition of what it meant to be a servant leader).

    Heinze sees servant leadership as the way to empower people to do more and to become invested in their community. It is entirely possible that his commitment to servant leadership comes from the servant leaders who have empowered him.

    As mentioned earlier, Heinze played sports. When asked what his favorite was he swiftly and decisively stated “Baseball.” He played baseball up until college, when he got injured. “I was no longer able to play and complete, but still had that inner desire to compete but was no longer certain how to channel it.”

    It was at this point where his high school coach invited him back onto the team as an assistant coach. His old coach, and good friend, allowed him to take ownership of part of the program. “Certain parts of the program that were just mine, that I could just take and run and do what I wanted.”

    “I didn’t understand it at the time, but in retrospect now I understand what an incredible act of servant leadership it was for him to give up control and authority of a part of his program that he worked hard to build. And it’s interesting too, I find myself as I get older, I turned 39 in June, of kind of bench marking the people who have been influential in my life, and going back to where they were at my age. So he was about 39 when he gave me that opportunity. So it’s just interesting to go back and think about it… and I use that to inform how I try to be.”

    While Heinze provided many examples of how he lives his life now as a servant leader, his coach was one of the first people to empower him the way he seeks to empower others.

    “It was such a selfish act [from my coach]. It didn’t require a whole lot of him other than a fundamental decision that he saw in me something he could trust and nature and mentor, and it did wonders for me in that I in turn create that relationship with the players I was coaching.”

    As Heinze said about training activists during his work with the American Diabetes Association, “It was incredibly empowering because we did a lot around training… that transfer of knowledge and of experience and skill set was great… It was humbling and empowering to be able to create this multiplying effect and now 300 people have gone to the hill (in Washington DC), and will go back to their individual communities across the country to continue to do what they had just done.”

    Heinze’s coach had empowered him to take on more responsibility, and helped him become a leader. In turn, Heinze is now able to take his skills and confidence, and train other people to be leaders in their own communities. This is what he is talking about when he speaks about servant leadership, and what he wants to bring to the Tacoma School Board.

    All of Heinze’s experience within policy (he has worked for Congressman Adam Smith and Governor Gregiore) did not show him what it was like to be a politician, “I just assumed having been on the policy side that if I ever ran I would, you know, just instinctively know what to do on the campaign side – and that wasn’t the case.” Policy workers are, for the most part, behind the scenes providing support. As a politician you are the one in the open whose ideas are being judged. “For me there was this incredible feeling of vulnerability, of being exposed.”

    How does he deal with that pressure?

    “I’ve tried to run my campaign how I try to live my life – it’s open and transparent… This is who I am, this is how I live my life, this is how I envision serving as an elected official. And If that resonates with people, if they feel like they can trust me and they want me in that position then they can vote for me. And if they don’t then they won’t. But I’m going to be authentic to myself… It’s just me on the phone. It’s just me when someone walks up and asks me a question.”

    “It’s so time intensive, but those most time intensive parts are probably the piece I like best about the campaign… those opportunities to doorbell, to sit and listen to people and hear their concerns, to answer questions they might have. That’s been the most rewarding part.”

    Ten fun facts about Scott Heinze:
    1. For the meeting he drank a short Americano with cream.
    2. He is left handed.
    3. His first job was at “The Dog’s Ear,” a T-shirt printing company in Spokane.
    4. His favorite sport is baseball.
    5. His favorite subject in school was current world affairs.
    6. He lives in the Proctor District.
    7. At the time of the interview, when asked if he had pets, he responded, “What, did my kids plant this question?” His children have been bothering him for pets. Since then, his son got a hamster for his 8th birthday.
    8. The most exciting place he has ever been was at President Obama’s inauguration.
    9. His parents were very protective and did not let him watch scary movies.
    10. If he could give to just one charity it would be the one he is most active in: the American Diabetes Association.


    Is Grad School a Scam?

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    Monday, August 15th, 2011

    In just a few weeks I will begin the next phase of my intellectual career: graduate school. It’s a hazing ritual, rite of passage, cognitive fitness program, and clan indoctrination all rolled into one! But right now in the academic world, there is talk going around about whether or not graduate school is what it should be.

    The most interesting argument about graduate education is Just Don’t Go. Particularly pushed by English Professor William Pannapacker of Hope College, he has most recently published an article in Slate on reforming higher education. Briefly, Pannapacker’s argument is the following:

    Writing a paper

    Yeah, I will be doing this for the next 7 years

    1. Graduate students in the humanities are both naive and typically mislead about the job opportunities available after graduation – namely, that there are very few, and getting one is a matter of luck rather than skill.

    2. The academic system is an exploitation racket wherein an overglut of underpaid grad students and Ph.D teach undergrads, who do not deserve inexperienced teachers.

    3. As such, the system needs to be updated, through pressure from the grad students (unions) and from the undergraduates (demanding colleges who use full professors for teaching). The system is unwilling and unable to change itself.

    4. Graduate school in the humanities does not do an adequate job of giving students skills which are useful outside the humanities, thus trapping them.

    5. You can’t make money or get job security from graduate school in the humanities and this fundamentally makes it a scam.

    Now, I believe that Pannapacker is making a lot of astute points. He is taking a lot of heat at least in part because he is challenging the fundamental vision of what graduate school is. It is supposedly a place where reasonable adults discuss exciting things and add to existing human knowledge. It is hard work, of course, but very rewarding. Pannapacker bluntly points out that one of the implicit rewards – that the student will get paid to do this sort of thing for the rest of professional life – simply doesn’t exist anymore.

    However, he swings the pendulum too far toward a monetary valuation of a graduate degree. Grad school is a scam in his mind both to the grad student (who loses the chance to earn high wages or advance in another fulfilling career elsewhere) and the system in general, because of the resounding negative effect the oversupply of qualified graduates has on wages for everybody. Plus, undergrads shouldn’t be taught by inexperienced grad students. A lot of other grad students I’ve discussed this with are offended by this particular point, because new teachers have to start somewhere. If they are thrown to the lonely front of the classroom with no support from a professor immediately out of the gate, that speaks to bad practices in general at a university and not to grad student teachers in particular. A comparable example is that new doctors perform surgeries under the guidance of more experienced surgeons; ideally, this is the practice in for university teaching as well.

    Personally, I think of my TA position as job training, not Pannapacker-esque exploitation. Admittedly, I probably won’t get a job in academia, but if I didn’t go to grad school at all my chances of staying in the academy would be zero, so there you go.

    Read More >>


    Pecha Kucha 7 (Tacoma) – Marilyn Strickland

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    Monday, September 27th, 2010

    The Melon interviewed Marylin Strickland back in 2009 and earlier in 2008. Check out the old interview here.


    Dear Editor: When Idiot Partisans Get Ahold of the Op-Ed Page at The Wall Street Journal

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    Monday, January 11th, 2010


    Why Taxing Stock Trades Is a Really Bad Idea

    Wall Street Journal – January 5, 2010

    Everyday investors shouldn’t be punished for a subprime fiasco fueled by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

    By Donald L Luskin and Chris Hynes


    You ever see an article and see the headline and think well, I don’t particularly care about that topic, but, the authors’ names catch your eye, so you read it anyway. This was that article. And then when I finished, I realized that the authors were total jackasses and completely fabricated their point of view and that instead of arguing coherently and bringing me around to their position, I was now resolutely against it. It made me so angry that I had to return to the The Melon after an extended sabbatical…

     

    The Democrat-dominated Congress has come up with a new way for President Obama to violate his pledge to not raise taxes on families earning less than $250,000 per year. It’s a tax on securities transactions—trading in stocks, options, futures and so on.

     

    And why not single out trading for special taxation? We levy special taxes on tobacco, alcohol and other vices. Except that trading isn’t a vice. The exchange and hedging of business interests is a virtuous—and utterly essential—activity in a free economy.

     

    Apparently Messers. Luskin and Hynes aren’t aware that we tax more than just vices. We often tax income, gasoline, services, food, hell, we even tax suntan beds. If you buy a cell phone, there is a specific tax just for buying that phone, if you fly, there’s a specific tax just for your ticket.

     

    But you’d never know it from the angry anticapitalist rhetoric of the tax’s proponents.

     

    I love when idiots from the right call moderates anti-capitalists. If they were anti-capitalists, they’d want to end the existence of the stock market, you twits. They don’t. They want to raise money from it, BECAUSE IT ABOUT BANKRUPTED THE ECONOMY. The day you see DeFazio writing a bill that says “The New York Stock Exchange shall no longer exist” then you can call him an anti-capitalist.

     

    Rep. Peter DeFazio (D., Ore.), who introduced the House bill establishing the tax—positions it as retribution for “the Bush administration’s cowboy capitalism, markets know best, deregulation at all cost policies.” Sen. Tom Harkin (D., Iowa), who introduced a similar Senate bill, says, “We need a shift in priorities in this country to ask not what America can do for Wall Street, but ask what Wall Street can do for America.”

     

    Right on DeFazio! You go … older Oregonian Gentleman … who occaisionally sports an alarmingly awkward mustache.

     

    Are you just an ordinary American who trades stocks? You probably don’t think of yourself as having much to do with “Wall Street,” or of your trading as a vice that ought to be singled out for a special tax. And you surely don’t think of yourself as someone who caused the recent financial crisis, which was, as Rep. DeFazio says, “brought on by reckless speculation in the financial markets.”

     

    The reason most people, like myself, or those people who read this article don’t think of themselves as having much to do with Wall Street is that because they don’t have much to do with wall street. Less than 21 million households own free standing stock (not in mutual funds), which is less than 20% of America. In fact its worse than that, “Only 17 percent of households in the bottom 60 percent of the income spectrum own stock in taxable accounts.  In contrast, 73 percent of the households in the top 10 percent of the income spectrum own stock in taxable accounts.  Among those at the very top of the income spectrum — the top one percent — 84 percent own stock in taxable accounts.” This tax wouldn’t hit those below $250,000 income. Very few of them own stocks.

     

    If anything, you probably think of yourself as a casualty of the crisis, not its cause. Why should a stock market investor like you—or for that matter, even an investor literally on Wall Street—pay a tax as punishment for a crime of which you were the victim, not the perpetrator? The crisis was caused by excesses in the mortgage industry, led by government-sponsored entities such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. How did stock transactions—or transactions in options or futures—have anything to do with this crisis?

     

    It is interesting that Hynes and Luskin purposefully avoid the true target of these new tax hikes. They are not meant to go on the average consumer. But they are meant to go towards High Speed Trades or High Speed Transactions. These are stock market trades made by computers in blinks of seconds trying to arbitrage prices, guess price moves as other computers trade. For example, let’s say that you, average investor, making $50,000 a year, decide to buy $10,000 of Microsoft stock, your broker places that trade order. The computers of these high speed traders will actually buy the stock – and then turn around and resell that stock to your broker in a blink of an eye, perhaps making one quarter of a penny on each stock sold, maybe less. But they do this millions of times a day, and make millions of dollars. By adding absolutely no value to the transaction. In fact, they are removing value because you are paying for that extra penny. And yet, they are taxed free.

     

    Let’s dig into the rest of the that paragraph. First off, those companies that made the most money off of the mortgage crisis were not Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, but the banks of Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, Citi, AIG and other large financial institutions that repackaged loans and sold them on purposefully obtuse to the wretchedness of the investments they were selling. Those companies also dominate the trading on the stock market. They take orders from investors and execute the trades. They work with companies like Luskin’s and Hynes’ to sell and trade stocks using computers. They are making the profits, and the ridiculous horrible bets on mortgage companies. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac only insure debt.

     

    The proposed tax would apply to commodity transactions as well. So here we find another class of victims being punished. When excesses in the mortgage market blew up the world economy in 2008, commodity investors were hammered as prices plunged in everything from crude oil to gold to corn. Many of them were ordinary businesses—far from Wall Street—trying to hedge themselves against the rising cost of energy.

     

    Cry me a river for lamenting the unfair plight of those poor speculators who drove the cost of oil up to $140 a barrel, just because they could. Those companies that are using arbitrage to price out commodities for future delivery won’t think this tax is all that much. But how much is that tax you ask? Well, why don’t we let these partisan hacks tell us:  If you were to buy or sell $100,000 worth of any stock or commodity the tax would be $250. Lordy lord! There is no way that American Airlines, or your local grain coop will be able to afford that tax of $250! on a bet of $100,000. That is DEBILITATING!

     

    To be fair, the tax would apply to credit default swaps, which were closely associated with the excesses in mortgage speculation. But if it’s going to apply to stocks—which had nothing to do with the crisis except to be its victim—then why does the tax, as proposed by Rep. DeFazio, not apply to bonds? It was the bond market, not the stock market, that was the conduit for hundreds of billions of dollars of dodgy subprime mortgages. Could this possibly be related to the need for the federal government to issue Treasury bonds from here to eternity to finance the looming deficits from the cornucopia of programs being cooked up in Congress?

     

    I don’t have a problem with this. Why the hell would the government tax itself?

     

    Setting aside the critical issue of why certain types of securities are singled out for tax, and others are not, the tax as currently proposed does not even succeed in fairly targeting speculators as opposed to investors. In fact, like most tax schemes, it is riddled with arbitrariness and capriciousness.

     

    Now you are just flat out lying. The tax specifically applies to trades over $100,000 then you are fine. How often does anyone you know whistle around trades of IBM for that much?

     

    Suppose you buy a stock, and you hold the position for 20 years. You’re an investor. Suppose the person who sold it to you was a day trader—who might end up buying the stock again 10 minutes later from someone else and then selling it after an hour. You both pay the same tax.

     

    You’re a joke! You pay the $250 tax (on a $100,000) trade when you sell it. They pay for their tax each time they make the buy or sell. Good job lying…again.

     

    As proposed, you wouldn’t have to pay a tax to buy or sell mutual funds. Yet mutual funds themselves would have to pay the tax on any trades they make in stocks. So as the owner of the mutual fund, you still end up paying the tax. According to the Investment Company Institute, the average turnover for stock-market mutual funds in 2008 was 60%, which would add up to a lot of taxes.

     

    You must fail at reading the newspaper in which you published this article:  ”The law would provide a $250 tax credit, effectively exempting everyone from the first $100,000 of all stock trades. And purchase and sale of mutual-fund shares would be exempt no matter how large, as would trading of assets held within personal savings accounts such as a 401(k).”

     

    Transactions in retirement accounts would be exempted. So a corporation that invests to provide pensions to retired workers won’t face higher costs. But a retired individual who has just sold his business and is living off the invested proceeds will pay the tax.

     

    See above

     

    And don’t believe the proponents of the tax when the say it’s so small you’ll never notice it. At one quarter of 1%, that would be a cost of $0.33 on a share of IBM. If you were to buy or sell $100,000 worth of IBM (or any stock), the tax would be $250. Single taxpayers would get an annual exemption of that amount. But trade again, and you’re taxed $250. Again, another $250. Over and over. Each time, that’s about 20 times the commission that a typical online broker would charge you to make that trade—yes, the greedy broker, the one on Wall Street.

     

    HAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHA.


    Oh god, let me catch my breath.


    HAHHAAHHAHAHAHAHAHA

     

    More fundamentally, the proponents of the tax seem not to have thought through what effects it might have on America’s global competitive position as the world’s pre-eminent stock market. They simply wave away any concern with a flourish of moral indignation. Last summer, when Britain’s Financial Services Authority Chairman Adair Turner proposed a trading tax for the United Kingdom, and set in motion a global movement toward such a tax, he called trading “socially useless.”

     

    We shouldn’t have to “socially” justify any lawful activity. But surely it is “socially useful” to let free people transact freely, without regulators and legislators micromanaging them. If anything, given the spectacular failure of every regulatory authority and legislator to detect and deter the abuses in mortgage markets that led to a near-meltdown of the global economy, it is their activities that would appear to be “socially useless” and deserving of a special tax.

     

    I have no problem with the stock market acting. However, when the stock market and those on it take risks, when financial services companies put the future of the nation’s economic growth at risk, then I think that the society that creates a framework for them to exist has the right to tax them so that society can continue to exist.

     

    It’s Economics 101 that the free actions of market participants cause supply and demand to reach equilibrium. And isn’t that what investors—indeed, even speculators—do? Don’t they try to buy things they think are cheap and sell things they think are expensive? Can they do it as well when facing the dead-weight costs of a transaction tax?

     

    Ahhh, the false assumption that there is an equilibrium in a market. Someone hasn’t been reading their Minsky lately. The search for an economic equilibrium is a false search. Where is the equal point? Where does labor demand = the number of workers. At what point do prices for shoes equal the demand? If there is an equilibrium point, why is different at the same stores in the same city, or at across the nation? The demand is greater in Arkansas for product X than in Washington?

     

    And yes, they can do it as well with that dead weight cost:  ”Great Britain, he said, currently levies a transaction tax that his higher than the one he proposes. `No one has fled London (stock market) because they’re paying twice what we’re proposing.” DeFazio also offered the support of British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, recently called for a global transaction tax.”

     

    If not, then trading volume in our stock markets will fall. Beyond the tax, everyone—investor and speculator, great and small—who buys or sells stocks will pay more to transact in markets that are less liquid. And they will transact at prices that are not set as efficiently. In such a world, markets would necessarily be more risky, and the cost of capital for business would necessarily rise. The consequence of that is that innovation, growth and jobs would necessarily fall. That would be the full and true cost of the trading tax being proposed.

     

    Oh shucks, some of the investment banks won’t be able to hire quite so many quants and they’ll be forced go into revolutionizing health care, or finding solutions to the carbon footprint. That is sooooo bad.

     

    Mr. Luskin is chief investment officer at Trend Macrolytics LLC. Mr. Hynes is chief executive officer of Hynes Capital.

     

    Ohhhh, that’s why you oppose this cost. Because YOUR taxes will go up. You are the idiots who will have to pay because your firms conduct thousands of these costs for your ridiculously rich clients daily. Tell the truth. This tax will never get anywhere near Main Street. This is a tax on the wealthy and your ridiculous friends.

     

    Matt Stevens sells phones.



    By Ink Alone: The Tyranny of Dead Ideas

    by

    Monday, July 13th, 2009

    Matt Miller‘s latest book, The Tyranny of Dead Ideas is an interesting and enveloping read. I finished it in just two short days. Miller, who writes for Forbes occasionally and has consulted for various companies lays out his ideas on why America is in trouble, and then, the opposite (or corresponding idea) that would solve the problems that these ideas have led us into.


    tyrranyThe Tyranny of Dead Ideas

    Matt Miller

    TIMES BOOKS, New York: 2009


    While Miller’s tale is eminently interesting, he sadly fails to convince me on the face that the ideas he claims are dead, are truly dead. I come away from the book more often remembering him simply repeating the same mantra over and over again, and not necessarily arguing that it was dead. The first of these “Dead Ideas” is that our children will earn more than we do, or that rephrased, incomes will continue to go up. Miller cites evidence that since the 1970s, the median income in America has actually gone down or stayed falt while the wealthy have grown at ridiculous and preposterous rates thus making the ‘average’ income in America increase. But that’s the whole extent of his evidence. Sadly, it left me unconvinced. I’m not sure I could argue the other way, that I see a path to ensure that I make more than my parents, that my kids will start off better than I did right out of college, but I sure as hell don’t buy his argument. I come away going “mehh” which really isn’t a good way to start your opening chapter.


    Miller’s other Dead Ideas are:

    “Free trade is ‘good’ (no matter how many people get hurt)”

    “Your company should take care of you”

    “Taxes hurt the economy (and they’re always too high)”

    “Schools are a local matter”

    “Money follows merit”


    I come away after reading this book that I don’t really buy on face much of Miller’s

    matt4

    arguments. I understand his criticism of free trade, and it is a good criticism, but I don’t know of any economist who defends free trade absolutely, but that those who endorse as a general rule. Miller’s next straw man is ridiculous to anyone of my generation, and should be to anyone with any understanding of business.


    In his chapter detailing how businesses are getting out of managing health care and pensions and how government will be forced to step in. I don’t know anyone who holds true to this idea besides ideologues who’s arguments we should be discounting. He acknowledges that its ideology mainly driving the debate, not reality based views. Conservatives on Capitol Hill are resistant to a national health care solutions because politically they must be, but they don’t offer other solutions, they can’t because they are stuck in this Dead Idea. (Okay, so i give in, this Dead Idea is still valued by a rapidly decreasing amount of the population.)


    Miller’s focus on schools is particularly interesting. He discusses how the creation of independent school districts and how the recent government actions in education have created 50 state standards and even more ways to define who is meeting those standards. Miller’s final endorsement to solve the education crisis which he claims to be embroiling America is to create national standards but then give schools, teachers, and superintendents the ability and resources to meet them. He advises increasing federal dollars in school to make the education moneys equal across the nation, and perhaps even more money to the poorer more distressed districts (often inner-city) than the suburbs and rural districts. I don’t have issues with this at all. He also advises curtailing the power of teachers unions. I know I’m quite biased, as my father has long been the president or negotiator for his teacher’s union, but I see teacher’s unions as quite valuable. However, we must remember that teacher’s unions don’t always look out for the best of the students; they look out for the best of their members, often fighting to keep jobs for teachers who don’t deserve them.


    If teachers (and their unions) really want to help their cause and stop being black-guarded by moderates and conservatives, they need to do more to turn bad teachers into good teachers, or simply get rid of them-and not defend them to the nth degree.


    The weirdest part of Miller’s book is his section on meritocracy and his classification of the Upper Middle Class (bankers, doctors, well-paid lawyers) and their hatred and envy at the Ultras (the super rich, investment bankers, hedge funds, oil barons). Miller’s dead idea is that “that market capitalism is a meritocracy-that is, a system in which people basically end up, in economic terms, where they deserve to.” Another ridiculous straw-man. People have known for centuries that the railroad barons, or the oil barons, or other super rich weren’t significantly smarter, or faster, or better than the other very well off but not super rich. The super rich are lucky. They have been throughout history. Miller at times seems to be worried about some sort of super-rich vs. upper-middle-class class war. And its kind of weird.


    Where Miller stridently excels is when he talks about the conservative (REAGAN!) argument that taxes are always bad and that they must always go down. Miller argues strongly and fluently that the middle class is demanded more services and that they will (and are) willing to tax themselves for those services. Miller calmly explains that right now, the US is spending about 20% to 21% of GDP, is bringing in revenues of about 19%, but to make future entitlements (Medicare, Social Security) sure, we need to bring in revenues of about 24%. He displays numerous reality-based conservatives (sadly few and far between in the tax debate) who endorse this view and have publicly argued for it.


    Miller in the end argues for business leaders, who he sees as inherently practical, to change their viewpoint, advocate higher taxes, social spending by the state and thus move America back to a leader in the world. I think I agree with Miller, though I don’t know if he argues his point as well as he should have.


    One area that I think Miller sadly misses is that how bigger government can actually create a more robust capitalist state. In this country, as millions of jobs are being lost the economy collapses, we have a major problem. Our government policy is actually discouraging people from attempting to start a new business, or leave failing companies to start out on their own. Because so many individuals depend on their employer for health care, they need to keep their jobs to keep their medicines, to keep their children healthy. They can’t leave and attempt to start a new business because they can’t get health care. At the same time, numerous companies are cutting health care to compete with rivals and with other countries that have health care managed by the state. Our capitalism would be more vibrant and would allow more people to pursue their dream to open a pizza parlor, to start a bicycle repair shop, to start up their own company if the government was there to help them with health care costs.


    Miller doesn’t make the above argument, at least, if he does, it is quite subsumed in his text.


    Overall, this book simply doesn’t delivery on its premise to demolish these dead ideas. As I said above, I read it quickly, and found some points interesting, but sadly, this book isn’t really worth the time. Read something more interesting.


    melonrating2






    Two out of Five Melons!



    Interview with Joe Lonergan – City Council Candidate Pos. 5

    by

    Thursday, July 2nd, 2009

    lonerganjoe

    Joe Lonergan is a lifelong resident of Tacoma hoping to offer the City Council the right equation to combat gang violence and clean up our town.   He believes that by fixing our streets we can bring in more businesses and create more opportunities for the arts. Currently residing in the 5th district, Joe believes “almost anything is possible when good people come together with good leadership.”


    Find out more at: http://joelonergan.com



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    Interview with Beckie Summers-Kirby – City Council Candidate Pos. 5

    by

    Tuesday, June 30th, 2009

    beckie2Beckie Summers-Kirby intends to “hit the ground running” if elected to City Council. Having served on the Tacoma Human Rights Commission, the Tacoma Civil Service Board, the Tacoma Public Library Board of Trustees and the Pierce County Charter Review Commission, Beckie hopes to bring accountability to the City Council and find new ways to make the voices of Tacomans heard.


    Find out more at: http://beckiesummers.com/



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    What’s Independence for Anyway?

    by

    Friday, June 26th, 2009

    34405544_2031fc5b01Ever since Woodrow Wilson articulated it in his Fourteen Points, the concept of self-determination has been at the forefront of various movements pursuing the goal of independence. In a nutshell, self-determination is the freedom to decide actions without the imposition of will by others. For nationalist groups, this means the right to govern themselves without the compulsion of another state, and it generally involves some sort of uprising or conflict against such external party or parties.


    Cast in the light of the nationalist wave that swept the world in the 20th century, self-determination is now conceptualized as a right that different peoples are entitled to. It is now commonplace to speak of how the Palestinians deserve their own state or the right of the Tibetans to their own country. But acknowledging a right to something is not the same as saying that something should be given. That a group deserves independence does not necessarily mean they should get it.


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